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Egypt's thirst for freedom has intensified, even after Mubarak's exit

Right now, the issue of the oppressive regime is the focus in Egypt. Issues like U.S., Israel, and disagreements between Muslim brotherhood and secular population will be tackled in their own time.

By Amira Hass

CAIRO - Prior to Mubarak's fall, demonstrators in Tahrir Square shouted "The army and the people - one hand." After the man who ruled for the past 30 years was toppled, those who listened closely noticed that the chant had changed slightly: "The people and the army - one hand."

Was someone behind this change? Did it evolve on its own, unintentionally? Was this a signal that the people - that hidden entity, which grew and developed into such a visible, vibrant creature in three weeks - are warning the army not to forget who is sovereign? Or perhaps those who listen carefully are attributing too much meaning to the change in words?

There is no answer, but the fact that the question is being asked just goes to show how proud the people are that their revolution was guided by some sort of internal logic, a collective logic, with a great deal of dialogue and listening. Not by orders, not by dictates from above. For example, without any directives, it became clear that attention should not be diverted from the main issue: the oppressive regime. There was no other issue, not the United States or Israel, not different economic visions or other problems, and certainly not the disagreements between the Muslim Brotherhood and the secular population. Each in its own time.

The "regular" protesters allowed themselves a break on Sunday, staying in bed a little longer and keeping away from the square. It and its access roads reverted to being used for vehicular traffic.

But the magic is not over: Not only this writer - three hours into her visit to revolutionary Cairo - but also a resident of the capital noticed as well that drivers are honking less. Only at a specific location were drivers asked to honk, for some unclear reason. And they eagerly responded, smiling along with the festive atmosphere that was sweeping over the cars and the army tanks, which had civilians climbing on top or posing for photos near them.

Another bit of magic: Drivers patiently waited for the square to be clear of vehicles that preceded them, and only then did they proceed into the huge area. Self-appointed traffic supervisors, perhaps traffic supervisors of the revolution, kept things rolling along better than any member of the hated police force. Everyone heeded their orders, even if they contradicted the orders of another.

"We have never seen such an empty space in the square, with drivers respecting others in such a way," the Cairene native commented with surprise.

A poster declared that today was a day for making Tahrir Square beautiful. Dozens of young and not-so-young persons were busy sweeping the surrounding sidewalks and the streets, collecting garbage, painting the edges of the sidewalk in black and white and the railings in green and gold. Some of the younger ones warned passersby not to step on the fresh paint.

"The Youth of the Revolution" is what they are calling themselves and they say it all started on Facebook (could it be otherwise? ). They say they themselves contributed money to pay the sweepers and to cover the cost of paint and brushes.

Irrespective of who initiated and who is paying, the cleaning and painting work, like the unusual show of generosity of the drivers, are an "embarrassment" to the regime: They expose its responsibility for all the violence seen as endemic to the day-to-day life of this city, along with the dirt, the neglect, the endless noise, the ongoing confrontations between the drivers.

"In three weeks of revolution we did not experience any sexual harassment by men," a woman said surprised. "What civilization emerged in these weeks! What culture!"

The activists are already talking about the days of the uprising as if they took place a generation ago, and now one must hurry and put memories to paper.

"The way ahead of us is long, that is true," said a teacher of Arabic, who works as a taxi driver to supplement his monthly income of $120 per month after 22 years on the job. "But before the path was blocked, a dead end."

His right hand is bandaged. He was injured when the local popular committee in which he is a member confronted a thief. "Those small criminals that the regime sent out - that is how they would always do it. [Mubarak] impoverished us and terrorized us just so we would need him and think we could not do without him."

In the square I heard some people complaining about the fact that others were happy at the fall of Mubarak and his ministers. The teacher-driver explained: "There are those, like the peanut seller, whom you told me of, who now feel pity for the side that lost. They are emotional. There are those who act that way because it is convenient for them, materially: They do not feel our pain."

He too spoke with pride of civilization: "The world thought that we are not developed - and here we are proving who we are. During the Mubarak period people were embarrassed to say they were Egyptian. We felt occupied. When it is another country occupying you, it is easier than when the occupier is from your own nation."

Egypt's euphoria
Feb 11th 2011, 19:42 by W.W. | IOWA CITY

JUBILATION is catching. It is impossible, for me at least, to watch the crowds in Egypt, overjoyed at Hosni Mubarak's hotly-desired resignation, with dry eyes and an unclenched throat.

The best explanation I have heard today for the mass euphoria rippling through Egypt came earlier this morning when one Al Jazeera reporter, choking back sobs, described the rise of Egypt's people and the fall of Egypt's dictator as "everything I've ever hoped for". Everything! Another correspondent, reporting from Alexandria, described Egypt's collective elation as the release of 30 years of bottled-up emotion. He said he had seen birth, that he had seen marriage, but he had never seen happiness like this, and it is everywhere. This is sublimely powerful stuff. It may be the most powerful stuff.

I admit that I am more than a little tempted to rain on the parade and note that Mr Mubarak's departure guarantees nothing and that it is not unreasonable to fear a turn for the worse. There's a tiny, stability-loving Burke on my shoulder, and I'm afraid he's no devil.

All the same, for now I'm not listening.

Well, I did listen a little, but I've heard enough. It is partly due to my Burkean worries that I feel the pessimist in me should just stuff it for now.

Whether or not Egypt flowers into a model democracy, whether or not Egyptians tomorrow live more freely than Egyptians today, today they threw off a tyrant.

The surge of overwhelming bliss that has overtaken Egyptians is the rare beautitude of democratic will. The hot blush of liberation, a dazzled sense of infinite possibility swelling millions of happy breasts is a precious thing of terrible, unfathomable beauty, and it won't come to these people again. Whatever the future may hold, this is the happiest many people will ever feel. This is the best day of some peoples' lives. The tiny Dionysian anarchist on my other shoulder is no angel, but I cannot deny that there is something holy in this feeling, that it is one of few human experiences that justifies life—that satisfies, however briefly, our desperate craving for more intensity, for more meaning, for more life from life.

Whatever the future holds, there will be disappointment, at best. But there is always disappointment.

Today, there is joy.

they haven't been so far (I mean, I didn't see any loon blogger predict that the people would be victorious..

It’s only a matter of time before a suicide bomber detonates himself during mass in an Egyptian church.

Three questions: Egypt’s transition
by Marwan Bishara

As change sweeps Egypt and becomes imminent in Arab political life, Marwan Bishara, Al Jazeera’s senior political analyst, evaluates the speed and efficacy of the transition to democracy.

What are the chances that the transition could still go wrong in Egypt?

New decisions of the supreme military council such as dissolving the country’s unrepresentative parliament that came after rigged elections, bodes well for the dismantlement of the old regime and erecting a new one.
However, the military’s insistence to keep the Mubarak appointed Ahmad Shafiq government for the transitional period has raised concern. Likewise, freezing the constitution is a double edge sword.

While it allows for writing a new more democratic constitution, it could also enable the military leaders to act according to its own interest, rather than the interest of the revolution.

It also begs the question, why hasn’t the military command cancelled the emergency laws nor freed those arrested during the last three weeks, not to mention the political prisoners.

All of which underlines the importance of continued pressure on the military until the regime is completely dismantled and its calls for a new temporary government to oversee the transition to democratic elections are heeded.

Today, public pressure is crucial to maintain the momentum towards positive change. While working with the military is indispensable for peaceful change, progress can’t be held hostage to its prerogatives.

Those with leverage over the Egyptian military, such as the Obama administration, need to keep the pressure on the generals to act as the true guardians of the revolution and its transition to republican democracy.
Otherwise, matters could get out of hand once again if the military falls back to old way of doing business, as pressure builds up against the spirit and of the revolution and its potential to spread throughout the region as a whole. After all many are bound to lose because of the historic changes taking place in Egypt.

Who are the potential losers from the Egyptian revolution?

In the short term, the foremost loser are the region’s autocrats who most likely will face serious pressure as the spirit of peoples’ power spread around the Arab and even Muslim world. So will al-Qaeda and its ilk that preferred violence to peoples’ power.

In the long run, the three theocracies, or theocracy-based regimes - Israel, Saudi Arabia and Iran – could see their religious-based legitimacies falter in favour of civic and democratic legitimacy as more people rise and claim their governments as citizens and people not subjects and sects.

A united, democratic and strong Egypt can regain its long lost regional influence as an Arab leader. It will eclipse Saudi Arabia, put the belligerent Israeli occupation on notice, and curtail the Iranian Ayatollahs’ ambition for regional influence.

In reality none of these regimes would like to see the Egyptian revolution succeed, regardless of what they might say publicly. And if they can help reverse it or contain it, they will without any hesitation. Fortunately however, their conflicting agendas, animosity and differences will prevent these autocrats and theocrats from jointly conspiring against the young revolution.

How will the revolution attain its goals?

If the foremost winners from the revolution, peoples’ power and democracy, are to succeed, the revolutionaries must stay steadfast and continue to apply pressure for change.

Future praise of the military should be conditional on its performance.

The revolution has accomplished so much, but serious challenges lie ahead. It’s no picnic reversing decades of stagnation, corruption and nepotism.

They need to convince the military that they seek not merely cosmetic reform that encourages passivity and defuse the revolutionary spirit for change, nor mere change of faces and titles. Rather, they seek to wipe the table clean of the old ways and means.

It’s this only their revolutionary spirit and yearning for radical change that will insure their achievements are not lost or compromised. In the words of one American republican: Extremism in the pursuit of liberty is no vice. Moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.

Egyptian revolutionaries have at last changed their and the Arab long held Arab motto “In-shallah” or “God willing” that presumes lack of action and indecision. Today’s spirit is in the realm of Ma-shallah, or “God wills it”, and it’s up to the people to make it happen.

As the Egyptian military command tries to bring back “normalcy” - which invokes stagnation in the minds of many - Egyptians are seeking extraordinary.

Google executive Wael Ghonim, who emerged as a leading voice in Egypt's uprising, was barred from the stage in Tahrir Square by security guards, an AFP photographer said.

Ghonim tried to take the stage in Tahrir, but men who appeared to be guarding Qaradawi barred him from doing so.

Ghonim, who was angered by the episode, then left the square with his face hidden by an Egyptian flag.

Peace will come when the Arabs will love their children more than they hate us.

Flying Dutchman wrote:I have a problem when things are made up and I have a problem with lies.

desertdudeshj wrote:The spin is weak in you grasshopper !
...
Where in this whole episode have the jews and crusades come up it ? Other than you. OH WAIT ! Could it be !
Nooooo.

Flying Dutchman wrote:^ when no more arguments are left and we see the whole revolution square chanting that they want to sacrifice themselved for Alquds, the usual MO of personal attacks is used.

* yawwwwn *